Phillip Blond born 1 March is an English political philosopher , Anglican theologian , and director of the ResPublica think tank. Born on 1 March in Liverpool and educated at Pensby High School for Boys ,  Blond went on to study philosophy and politics at the University of Hull , continental philosophy at the University of Warwick and theology at Peterhouse at the University of Cambridge. At Peterhouse, he was a student of John Milbank , founder of the radical orthodoxy theological movement  and a noted critic of liberalism, philosophically understood. Blond's first work, Post-Secular Philosophy: Between Philosophy and Theology , is very much in the Radical Orthodoxy line of thought and includes essays by many of that group's members. Blond was a senior lecturer in Christian theology at the Lancaster campus of St Martin's College and after the merger with Cumbria Institute of the Arts in August he worked at the Lancaster campus the University of Cumbria  and was a lecturer in the Department of Theology at the University of Exeter.
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Phillip Blond: Cameron should position himself as the defender of a European escape route from a project that has every chance of collapsing.
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- Phillip Blond born 1 March is an English political thinker, theologian and philosopher , director of the think tank ResPublica and a proponent of Red Toryism, a radical communitarian traditionalist conservatism against both state and market monopoly.
Phillip Blond: Cameron should position himself as the defender of a European escape route from a project that has every chance of collapsing. Phillip Blond: State expenditure and redistribution has done little to end dependency. We need a fresh approach that gives assets to all.
Letter: Madeleine Bunting's article on the impact and consequence of my work combines reasoned critique with unfortunate historical inaccuracy. Phillip Blond: What economic system would really benefit humanity? Phillip Blond: In reverting to the old economics, the Tories are squandering the gains of their fresh social critique. Phillip Blond: Progressive Conservatism must now rethink market economics, but at least it is not wedded to the centralist state.
Phillip Blond is director of the thinktank ResPublica. Forget project fear. If a second referendum is held with a remain option, the argument must be positive and persuasive to social conservatives, says Phillip Blond, director of the Respublica thinktank. Published: 14 Jan This is insecurity Britain. Labour and the Tories are racing to connect with it. People are crying out for economic justice and cultural security, says the ResPublica thinktank director, Phillip Blond.
Published: 4 Oct Published: 14 May Five-minute debates Is workfare unfair? Published: 17 Dec David Cameron has lost his chance to redefine the Tories. Phillip Blond: He has abandoned the vision of one-nation conservatism that so inspired me, and retoxified his party. Published: 3 Oct Why Labour is right to support military academies. Published: 10 Jul Britain can build a Europe outside the euro. Published: 15 Dec Phillip Blond: putting the 'social' back into social housing.
Published: 13 Sep The austerity drive must not derail the winning 'big society'. Phillip Blond: The cuts should provide the opportunity for a new civic approach to the state — but the Treasury shows little sign of grasping that. Reclaiming a Liberal legacy. Published: 21 Sep We won't help the poor by increasing benefits. Phillip Blond: George Osborne isn't picking on the poor, but he needs to offer them a route to prosperity. Published: 29 Aug No equality in opportunity.
Phillip Blond and John Milbank: By synthesising old Tory and traditional left ideas a genuinely egalitarian society can be achieved.
Published: 27 Jan The new Conservatism can create a capitalism that works for the poor. Published: 2 Jul Time for radical innovation.
Phillip Blond: The real black hole in Labour's political economy is not cash but the absence of ideas. Published: 24 Apr Blond on Blond and his antecedents. Published: 11 Feb Cif belief Let's get local. Published: 30 Jan Thatcher is back. Published: 20 Nov Who owns the progressive future? On the right road.
Published: 6 Oct Medieval thinking. Published: 30 Sep Conference season Allow me to suggest, George. Published: 27 Sep
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Phillip Blond | The Guardian
According to Phillip Blond, there has been "a wholesale collapse of British culture, virtue and belief". It has led to " increasing fear, lack of trust and abundance of suspicion, long-term increase in violent crime, loneliness, recession, depression, private and public debt, family break-up, divorce, infidelity, bureaucratic and unresponsive public services, dirty hospitals, powerlessness, the rise of racism, excessive paperwork, longer and longer working hours, children who have no parents Britain is in the state it is, he argues, as a result of an unholy alliance of the permissive counter-culture with market individualism.
By giving personal choice supremacy over all other values, these seemingly opposed movements of the s and the s produced Britain as it is today: a society with no conception of the common good that is held together by the anonymous forces of the market and the coercive power of the state.
The remedy is a combination of cultural conservatism and anti-market radicalism, Blond believes, and a template for this mix can be found in the Distributism of Hilaire Belloc and GK Chesterton. Describing these Catholic writers as "radical liberals" - a flattering description, given that they believed pretty much everything had gone downhill since the Reformation - he tells us they were influential in the s in shaping the Tory idea of a property-owning democracy.
There can be little doubt that the narrow versions of liberalism prevalent over the past generation must bear some responsibility for the ills Britain suffers today. Blond's account of how the state and market have crowded out social institutions is one from which every politician can learn. That is why - as I say in a comment that adorns the book's cover - Red Tory should be welcomed for presenting new ideas that could reshape political debate.
The aim seems to be a modern version of the stable and peaceful world that supposedly existed in medieval times. How many could even tolerate such a life? It is all too easy to succumb to Romantic visions of lost harmony.
Would he repeal existing law on abortion or gay adoption, for example? There are practical difficulties in this programme, some clearly insuperable.
The re-localised economy could only be built behind walls of trade protection, but Britain is much too small a unit. A larger bloc would be needed and only the EU fits the bill, but the likelihood of Cameron seeking deeper British integration into Europe must be close to zero.
Even if this obstacle were somehow overcome, how would China react to European protectionism? How would the US?
If Cameron succeeds in forming a government, which is by no means clear, one thing is certain: building a neo-medieval economy will not be on the agenda. The overriding objective will be simply to stay afloat. The real objections to the programme set out in Red Tory are not purely practical. The core of Blond's political thinking is a belief in an extra-human source of authority.
Much in recent discourse - not least the ideology of market fundamentalism - has consisted of faith masquerading as science. Once again, though, he seems unaware of the difficulties of his position. Ours may be a post-secular society I think so myself but that is very different from reverting to any version of Christian orthodoxy. Britain today is home to a plurality of religious traditions, ranging from varieties of theism through to the many strands of Hinduism and the godless spirituality of Buddhism.
There are also many kinds of agnosticism and scepticism, some indistinguishable from undogmatic versions of faith. Today there is no possibility of reaching society-wide agreement on ultimate questions. Happily such agreement is not necessary, nor even desirable. No government can roll back modernity, and none should try. We may be in a mess. Phillip Blond born , the son of an artist, grew up on Merseyside.
He studied philosophy and politics at Hull and Warwick, then theology at Cambridge. An Anglican by conversion, he taught theology at Exeter and Cumbria Universities. After his writing caught the eye of the Conservative Party under David Cameron left , he led the "progressive Conservatism" project for Demos, then founded the ResPublica think-tank.
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